The Homeless Filipino  page 2
(by Jose N.Avelino III)

However in the early 90’s an American executive of America’s largest bank complained how the Filipinos’ communication skills had deteriorated. He added that it had nothing to do with accent. It was about incomplete sentences, misuse of words and limited vocabulary. I relayed this concern to an Ateneo professor when I visited the Philippines in 1997. He admitted that the “pendulum had swung to an extreme for Tagalog and today we’re trying center that pendulum.”

The pendulum of change is the challenge faced by every dictatorship. The controls, schemes and lies are all geared to perpetuate themselves in power. Status quo is their ally, age and deteriorating health their unstoppable foes. With this realization, the focus was now the issue of succession. The propaganda machine manned by the ‘envelopmental’ media and journalists started promoting Imelda as the “Steel Butterfly.”  Strangely, this particular propaganda boomeranged as it triggered attention to what Marcos was trying to camouflage –his age and rapidly deteriorating health.

In Texas, opposition leaders Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino and Gerry Roxas met privately and agreed that it was time to end their self-imposed exile. They also agreed that one of them needed to remain in the U.S. to lead the opposition in the event the returnee is incarcerated (they anticipated that Marcos would have trumped up charges) or liquidated (considered a remote possibility). The arguments became lengthy, sometimes heated as to which one should return. Aquino convinced Roxas that his access to the U.S. media (ABC) would provide global and intense coverage. Also, having a media entourage would assure his safety and more importantly preclude Marcos from apprehending him.

The shot that felled Ninoy Aquino in 1983 was seen and heard across the globe. While many were shocked by this blatant and bold murder, to a select few it was an alarm to protect their interests or promote their agendas.

The media –local and global focused on the violent and gruesome act and hyped up the stature of Ninoy Aquino. This further raised the abhorrence of the act. It focused on his grieving widow. It speculated on the possible perpetrators. This media induced melodrama provided the needed time for the following major players to assess and execute the appropriate action.

The United States (Reagan Administration) was gravely concerned that the media focus might inadvertently disclose that the dictatorship was not only prompted and propped up by previous and current administrations but also knowingly allowed lease payments for the U.S. bases be pocketed by Marcos.

The Benigno Aquino supporters (mostly Left of center) not wanting to be taken out of the equation, made Corazon Aquino their leader and made certain that the sympathy for Aquino’s widow remained at a high pitch. The clamor of the media and volume level of the Aquino supporters prompted heretofore-silent opposition leaders with such high profile names as the Laurels to step out of the woodwork or fence sitting lest they be left out of what appeared to be the beginning of a groundswell of change.

Within the dictatorship there were frequent heated arguments and finger pointing and a desperate need for damage control. To project that Marcos was still in control and still had the full support of the citizenry, it was imperative to exploit local and foreign media attention. Thus Marcos appeared frequently on television especially on the good days when his health held up. Busloads of supporters from the Ilocos region were brought to Manila. Merged in this group were soldiers in civilian attire with their Army vehicles painted over to look like private trucks.

The Imelda faction of the dictatorship strategically maintained a low profile. There were disturbing suspicions circulating that Aquino’s assassination was the handwork of Imelda and General Fabian Ver. The rationale supporting the suspicion was that the Imelda faction considered Aquino as a threat to the Steel Butterfly’s succession to power. Thus, Imelda did a complete makeover. She transformed her image to a docile and subservient, loving wife fretting over her husband’s health.

Marcos took the front and center position to parry the threats to the dictatorship. Many were surprised, even won over that in spite of failing health he manifested tremendous energy and clarity in his arguments. Then when the volume levels were lowered, so did his guard. In sheer and fatal bravado, he assured the media (Nightline with Ted Koeppel) that he would hold Presidential elections. He was locked in and the whole world watched.

The opposition united behind Aquino's widow, who ran against Marcos in the 1986 election. Marcos was declared the winner but was widely suspected of electoral fraud.

The forces of change converged

America abandoned its support for Marcos. It had no choice. It could not continue to be associated with a dictatorship nor could it allow the unstable and delusional Steel Butterfly to gain succession. The Left exploited the situation and quickly poised as its leader, the widow of Ninoy Aquino. With nuns and priests leaving the Church in protest of its comatose leadership during the dictatorship, the Cardinal was now negotiating with the Aquino supporters.  Both parties were stymied as to the appropriate action to take in fear of the Military. Marcos was constantly on the telephone with U.S. Ambassador William Sullivan for assistance as the Reagan administration had completely distanced itself from Marcos.

The concern was the fear of a complete takeover by the Left. America could not allow this, as this would be Vietnam redux. It found the solution in Gen. Fidel Ramos. Gen. Ramos had led a Philippine Battalion alongside the Americans in the Vietnam War. Now he was asked to protect the Philippines from a Communist takeover. He agreed and informed the Cardinal and the Aquino supporters. Their collective concern was focused on one man: Juan Ponce Enrile, the Defense Secretary. He was not a mere Marcos crony but a partner going back to the pre-dictatorship. He was the inside strategist in the establishment of Martial Law. No other person, with the exception of Imelda accumulated so much wealth during the Marcos regime. He was also feared. I recall when Ninoy Aquino was scheduled for a one-hour interview at a television station in Mandaluyong. Fifteen minutes into the interview as Ninoy lambasted Marcos, word reached the studio that Enrile and his bodyguards were on their way to the studio. Quickly during a commercial break, Ninoy called the interview off. We all exited with him in fear of our lives!

These were long and desperate hours. History will describe these as hours when lives and freedom were at the balance. To the actual participants huddled, it was very up close. Dangerously close as alliances were brittle and the given word suspect. No one wanted to take leadership and be a hero. Yet no one left the huddle.

Meanwhile in the United States, Filipinos communicated and shared information on the fluid Philippine events. In Texas, Filipinos agreed that a meeting was urgent and necessary. Surprisingly, the decision was made quickly and unanimously. Filipinos from Dallas-Fort Worth and San Antonio were to amass with the huge Filipino community in Houston. As word spread, Filipinos from Lafayette and New Orleans, Louisiana called in their support.

There is no account as to when and which individual or individuals came up with the inspired idea within the huddled group, which included Gen. Ramos, Cardinal Sin and the Aquino supporters and their respective advisors. The idea was agreed upon and executed quickly with incredible timing and precision.

Cardinal Sin exhorted the masses of the Roman Catholic Church to congregate at EDSA for prayers and show of solidarity against the dictatorship. Priests and nuns bravely served as human shields for the crowds that quickly grew to the thousands. There was safety in numbers, but fear and uncertainty was palpable. Yet the throng grew and so did its confidence. In general, the Catholic religion as practiced had more superstition than faith. Thus, they believed that no one, not even a soldier would follow orders and shoot a nun. Word spread that Gen. Ramos was seen among them. God be praised for now the Military has joined! But Gen. Ramos did not command the entire Military. There were factions loyal to Enrile and Marcos. However, the throng had grown so quickly and massively, Enrile was preempted for a counter. Now, the final execution of the plan: Allow Enrile to save face. Gen. Ramos went to meet with Enrile. Then to the crowd’s roar and television cameras and news photographers, both walked out and joined the crowd. It was time to let the crowd lose.

The crowd gathered In Houston. We demonstrated at Tranquility Park, downtown Houston, fronting the City Hall and the Federal Court building. Our numbers and placards attracted the entire Houston media. I was one of several interviewed by television (NBC). Americans from nearby office buildings joined the demonstration. Many had sent cables and calls to congressmen and senators to recognize the Aquino administration and thwart the counter proposal of Senator Robert Dole. It was a great and glorious moment for us all!

Fortunately, Marcos was not spirited away to the Ilocos by America, as he had begged. He could easily with his stolen wealth have made a comeback as Imelda and their children are now doing. Unfortunately, America brought him to Hawaii and not the Mainland. We were ready to initiate massive demonstrations.

The abuses of the 20-year dictatorship are well known and documented. Among them: the murders, the disappearances of people, the sale of Philippine citizenship to Taiwanese and Chinese at $500,000.00 minimum per head, the land grab, the take over of business enterprises, the rigging of local and national elections, the piracy of oil tankers in the high seas, the looting of the Philippine Treasury. However in addition to the Big Lie of the New Society, the greatest havoc is that in a country born in the ruins of a World War and struggling in its early infancy those born at the onset of Marcos to his fall had not experienced a democracy. It is these generations of Filipinos who would now have an inordinate expectation that democracy brings an overnight miracle of political and economic development. These unreasonable expectations will constantly fuel dissent and instability in future administrations.

Here Comes the Left: People Power

The wave of the sound and fury of People Power carried Corazon “Cory” Aquino to the presidency. Her victory was the logical counterpoint to a dictatorship. Beneath the surface she was but a figurehead for the Leftists. She was constantly torn by the interests of the displaced generals (the frequent coups) and the old line politicians.

Being a hero’s widow does not make one qualified to be president or make one’s administration any easier. When Marcos was toppled, a vacuum was created with such sucking force for positions of power and influence. Aquino was placed in the unenviable role of Solomon to those who claimed they suffered under Marcos and thus should be rewarded and those who claimed they were the vocal opposition that helped topple Marcos.

Aquino was depicted in the campaigns as a bereaved widow and ordinary housewife. What was played down was that she was a Cojuangco: one of the wealthiest and powerful families in the Philippines with their own private army! What was undisclosed was how this family acquired its wealth and its huge plantations. What was clear was the internecine battle among the Conjuangcos during her six-year term.

It was euphoric when People Power brought democracy back. We carried signs that read ‘The Philippines is Back to the Future!” Then we walked away to give democracy a chance. It was a major error. Democracy is a constant work in progress. It is high maintenance. When we were not watching, the Leftist leaning Aquino signed into law that upheld squatters’ rights. It formalized the populist “Land for the Landless Program” with a sinister twist. The core idea of the law was to penalize absentee landowners by granting ownership to tenants. The rationale was that land was less productive with landowners absent and therefore such land should be allotted to those who worked it. Landowners built fences on their property to repel trespassers to no avail. The landowners’ protection was to have a private army. Cojuangco, Enrile, Marcos have private armies, most landowners don’t. The largest absentee landowner is the government – that is why sidewalks, parks and railroads are occupied by squatters!

Absentee landowners like Cornelio Sumangil of Dallas do not have private armies. He paid for two tiny lots of real estate properties in installments over several years out of his paycheck. He dreamed of building a cozy house on the property on his retirement. He flew to Manila to look at the property and to seek an architect to design and build his future retirement home. To his dismay, he discovered that twenty families had moved in and built their shanties. Under the law these squatters cannot be evicted or forced out once they get in the property. Further the landowner pays for their relocation should they agree to move out. In Sumangil’s case convincing and paying for one is difficult. Convincing twenty? Impossible. Sumangil’s case is the continuing experience of hundreds of Filipino expatriates.

Marcos looted and stole our properties. Aquino stole our right to own property.

Now Comes the Right

It is difficult to describe or define Fidel Ramos. He would be pleased to know that. He was deliberate in projecting an enigmatic private and public persona. Perhaps it was his military training and battle experience that made him choose to be so. Friend and foe could not read his mind. While he may have been enigmatic, his handlers were up to the challenge of having his public persona under constant makeovers for his entire term.

Fidel Ramos could not nor did he try to win the trust of the country. He played a vital role with Marcos in the installation and execution of Martial Law and the Military having supported Marcos, it was too soon for the country to trust a military man as president. He supported Aquino and People Power 1 when he knew America was abandoning Marcos. However his formidable military mind and experience brought order and clarity in bold relief to the chaotic Presidency–by-Committee under Aquino.

He was pro- business and the Business Sector reciprocated with strong support. It did not hurt that Uncle Sam owed him for the bloodless transition from Marcos to Aquino. It was not surprising then that badly needed foreign investments started to flow in. The Philippines started to experience some economic gains. America’s interest in the Philippines signaled to other countries in the region that America had recovered from Vietnam.

These developments helped Ramos’ handlers to project him as an effective business executive and a recognized and respected leader in Southeast Asia thereby shedding his Military persona. In the final two years of his term he transcended the business persona by addressing environmental concerns. He was projected as a statesman.

Fidel Ramos performed a delicate balancing act.

Ali Baba and the Petty Thieves!

Dizzy with the political swings and realizing that each change was just a game of musical chairs of the same old political names and the Philippine economy still bankrupted from the Marcos era, it was time for some entertainment. Send in the clowns. Joseph Estrada. Many belittled him for being a high school drop out and a “B” actor in ridiculous action movies. He was a drunk and a womanizer. But he was loved by the poor masses. To them he was more heroic than John Wayne! They hoped that heroic deeds in cinema would translate to sound and fair government. Erap as he was popularly known, was a good man. He had a gracious self-deprecating humor. Perhaps his alcoholism may have clouded his vision and thinking. Or he may have just wanted to play president. He was supported by the Military (no need for a coup when the president can be manipulated) and surrounded himself with a good supporting cast of young technocrats. In the end his lack of leadership took its toll. His supporting cast turned out to be petty thieves. Ali Baba was controlled by the Petty Thieves.

Fourth World : The Armpit of Southeast Asia

The best-kept secret by Filipinos and the Philippines is that the country had fallen into and taken full ownership of the Fourth World garbage bin. The beauty of the islands and vaunted hospitality of its people cruelly masks the harsh reality of its poverty and bleak economic landscape.

EDSA 1 was a shining and glorious moment; EDSA II was a fall into darkness. In a democracy, it is the force of reason and law that prevail. The force of numbers, guns and thugs are symptomatic behavior in the Fourth World. EDSA I was spontaneous, high risk and volatile. EDSA II was staged and was a photo opportunity for all. Naturally, the Philippine Leadership of the Roman Catholic Church participated thinking this was EDSA 1, provided comic relief. Sadly, then Vice President Gloria Macapagal participated in that photo shoot. She had blown a singular opportunity to take the noble road and encourage protesters, demonstrators and the masses to allow the legal process run its full course. Had she taken that course, the masses still loyal to Estrada would have shifted their support to her.

President Arroyo had the courage to bring English back. After Estrada butchered it, who would object and call for EDSA III?

She had the tools to understand the economics and Philippine style politics. Unfortunately she did not have the fortitude to withstand the constant petty attacks on her administration. Indeed they were petty. How could her administration be accused of even petty larceny? Marcos emptied the Philippine vault and whatever centavos earned by Ramos was wiped clean under Estrada.

Arroyo declared she would not run in 2004. A cheap political ploy perhaps. Or, a realization that she could not match the standard raised by her father, the former president Diosdado Macapagal. Like her, Diosdado focused intensely on economics. During his term, the Philippine economy was second only to Japan. Diosdado also had the integrity and courage to announce that he as well as his family and relatives will not enrich themselves in power.

We are in the Fourth World and our economy is the armpit of Southeast Asia. The Fourth World is a place where we elect drunkards and womanizers, people with unexplained wealth, people who flaunt their arrogance by the size of their private armies, we elect the minimally educated and the minimally experienced and when we do so, we boastfully claim that this is democracy at work! It is a place where the rich get richer and the poor multiplies.

The Great Brown Hope, Maybe

The U.S. Library of Congress indicate that the very first Asians to come to America were Filipinos! (I thought it would be the Chinese). I was one of many who came in the late sixties and early eighties (the Marcos years). I will refer to this group as the first generation of Filipino immigrants.

This first generation left the Philippines to survive and work for a better life. Like the many who came to the United States, we quickly discovered that the streets were not paved with gold. We had no capital other than our wit and the education we may have had in the Philippines. We were not the sons and daughters of the wealthy and powerful families of the Philippines who came to further their education and quickly made a U-turn to run their families’ enterprises or run for political office to secure their social and economic positions. We envied them for there was no place better than the Philippines –if you belonged to their circle.

We struggled and that is an understatement. Eventually we learned that opportunities were not given, as was our experience in the Philippine Padrino and Compadre system of grants and favors. In America you seek and take the opportunities. To the venturesome, they sought opportunities as far and as high as their skills, experience and ambition would take them. They would relocate as need be and often as warranted. These Filipinos elevated themselves to high social and economic levels of American society. The timid among us huddled in a ghetto mentality. The majority blended themselves into mainstream America.

Decades later, having raised a family, sent our children off to college and with retirement looming in the near horizon, recollection of roots and home come forward. Wistful memories of small towns, beautiful islands and childhood friendships captivate and tear our hearts as we painfully realize we cannot go home. Home is where our children are. But the call of the islands remains a powerful siren song.

It is a song heard for many years. We heard it as a plaintive song of want and need from our families, relatives and friends. For many years we responded. Remittances from Filipino overseas workers are the largest in Asia! When Filipino expatriates remit funds to relatives in the Philippines, the dollar reserves of the Philippines reacts with a notable uptick. The uptick is significant and predictable enough (usually during the December holiday season) for the Central Bank to input the data for planning considerations. While the inflow is significant, the benefits are short lived and minimal. The end users of these funds inflow almost absolutely consume these funds for the holidays; an insignificant amount is placed for capital investment. Whether consumed or invested, the funds end up with owners of banks and business enterprises who are the wealthy and the influential. The circle remains unbroken and the song continues, louder.

Filipinos here and in the Philippines attempted organized charity for greater effectiveness. Those met with lukewarm success at best. It was not a reflection of the organizers’ ineptness. Rather as intimated by George Peabody (deceased), former President of the Phil-Am Chamber of Commerce in New York that we should not expect Filipinos to give to charities because each have their charities, i.e. they are supporting a family member in some form or another, like sending them to school, help in building a home, etc.

The harsh truth is that we are islands. The following comments by those who have nobly tried and continue to try capture the frustrating realities.

“The challenge of charity work is delivery. And it is very difficult, almost impossible, to seek financial assistance from the Filipino community at large. I had 2000 books stored at a friend's place (30 Balikbayan boxes) for a year before I could raise the money to ship; I still have 20 boxes of books and computers at home...sitting here for a year as well which I need to ship -- and I will do so in dribs and drabs.”

“There is really a strong hesitancy on the part of the Filipino community at large to part with their pocketbook no matter how small is required of them. There is a strong, in-bred distrust of fellow Filipinos (they will readily help a White American/European though!) We often hear –“Where will the money go? They might just pocket it for themselves!”. Our culture has been so used to reading and hearing about powers that be that enrich themselves at the expense of the poor, we become very callous, very detached. Charitable institutions also need to be more forthcoming.  When an appeal like this is sent out there, they have to be very precise (given the distrust)...who they are, name of the organization, check issued to, mailed to, are they 501c3, etc. The institution should try and minimize this distrust.”

“We are very regionalized and champion only causes that are in our respective provinces or communities even if the greater need is elsewhere.  We have our own perspectives, clearly. Or perhaps we believe that if we give to our own communities/provinces where we are known or recognized, we will certainly get that much sought acknowledgement with a photo to boot spread all over the papers.”

“You know in my own experiences trying to raise funds for the causes I support or espouse I have learned not to appeal to the Filipinos at large. Instead I tap friends who know me and they tap their friends. It is slow, but it is steady. Thank God for my friends and bless each of them.”

Certainly charity in any form, type or size is welcomed and appreciated. The large poor masses are easy to please. Anything is accepted: books, used wearables, medicines, food, vitamins. However, Charity in the form of financial support as the bulk of the huge remittances of overseas Filipino workers are intended could be a tool to break the circle. Simply, the remitter wires funds from Philippine bank branches (whenever available) to local banks where the receiver has an account. The condition: the banks utilized should have Board directors and stakeholders who are not tainted by graft and corruption and whose wealth can be explained. The other condition: the fund recipient must invest or spend these funds in corporations and banks whose Board directors and stakeholders are not tainted by graft and corruption and who do not possess unexplained wealth.

Clearly, the conditions proposed are not anti-wealth. Respect and admiration are due those who have attained wealth through wit, honesty and business acumen.  The boycott is directed to individuals and corporations with unexplained wealth. Many will salt away their ill-gotten wealth to foreign shores. But as their businesses wither, they will have less to salt away and may bring the funds back to support their enterprises.

Boycott is the ultimate education to turn these individuals and corporations into good citizens.

There are individuals and groups in the Philippines with unquestionable credentials who can provide a listing of individuals and corporations who arrogantly continue to be bad citizens: unexplained wealth, business activities that harm the environment, wantonly deplete natural resources, etc. The listing will indicate holdings and board memberships.

The formidable challenge rests with the remitters and the fund recipients. The remitters are peppered all over the globe. Assuming that they can be identified and reached and that they have control over the remittance of their paychecks, will they execute the boycott and advise their respective recipients to do likewise? Will the recipients follow? How can we measure the effectiveness of the boycott or that in fact a Boycott is on?

Charity, organized or otherwise in financial support form or otherwise is a short-term solution at best. It does not break the circle. Charity is not what the Filipino masses seek. The lamentations we hear are not the cries of mendicants. Rather it is a cry for hope.

The first generation can be the Great Brown Hope. However, their action will be brief as the first generation has less than 10 years of productive life. Their input and contribution are limited, as they need to provide for their retirement years. But the responsibility, moral or social, should they accept it rests upon them alone. Their children having been born, raised and educated in America have no affinity to the Philippines. However short and limited their input, it would be a tidal shift as hopefully a new set of ‘first’ generations will carry the standard forward.

continue on next page